Main Content
The Democratic Deficit of Viktor Orban's Hungary
Hundreds of thousand of Hungarian citizens are taking the street to protest against the new constitution
Now the European Union is taking action to stop Prime Minister Orban's projects. Can it achieve results?
On January 1st the new Hungarian constitution entered into force. The day after, tens of thousands of people have been protesting in Budapest over it and over its widely recognized violations of basic democratic rules. Described as socially and fiscally conservative, the constitution initiates a number of changes in various fields, from social aspects to fiscal ones, giving the government sweeping influence over the media, the judiciary, the central bank and audit and budget watchdogs The large two-third majority of ruling party Fidesz has allowed Prime Minister Viktor Orban to carry on his project without dealing with the socialist parliamentary opposition, escaping from cross-party consensus rule. Several political observers and institutional actors have promptly reacted against the text, up to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon.
The new fundamental law of Hungary raised criticism from Brussels as well. The European Union (EU) has immediately asked Orban for clarification, calling for an intervention in front of the European Parliament for the second time. Actually, the Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister had been asked to justify his actions in front of the EP also at the beginning of 2011, with respect to the controversial media law that was approved while Hungary was holding the presidency of the European Council. Following the EU threat of legal action against his government, Orban showed up in front of Strasbourg's assembly on January 18th beating a tactical retreat. Under pressure from both the EU and the International Monetary Fund for the critical conditions of the national finance and widely accused of undermining fundamental democratic principles, the Hungarian leader told the MEPs that the issues raised by the commission “could swiftly be resolved and remedied”, showing he was ready to travel on the same road he took about the media law: in other words, several points will be changed, but the general structure will remain stable.
“Some concerns have been expressed regarding the quality of democracy in Hungary, its political culture, the relations between government, and opposition and between the state and the civil society”, Barroso said in Strasbourg before Orban spoke. The European Commission (EC) raised objections to measures that threaten the independence of Hungary’s central bank and its data protection authority, and that change the retirement age of judges. Orban has replied to the criticism not only through the standard and relatively mellow speech he gave in Strasbourg, but also undertaking some direct action to follow the direction set by Barroso and the European institutions, such as pulling back the project of merging the Central Bank and the “Pszaf” (the national authority of financial surveillance).
Is it just a step undertaken by Orban to soften up the approach of the EU against his political action? Or is it the beginning of the dismantling of a project which clearly undermines democracy, centralizes power and destroys political pluralism? During the next weeks everything will look clearer, but one thing appears already obvious: the EC prefers a mere technical approach towards Orban and his government, by contrasting single initiatives one by one, instead of a more comprehensive political strategy. Barroso has so far avoided to put pressure on the Parliament and on the Council to take initiative against Hungary according to article 7 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), not to mention the option of own initiative of the EC. Barroso and his team have opted, on the contrary, on contrasting the authoritarian derive of Hungary with a step-by-step procedure, very likely considering the option of threatening an article 7-like action as a “nuclear option” to avert at any cost.
Will Barroso's strategy be the winning one? It is too soon to evaluate his way to proceed, but it is clear that the EU is gambling away its reputation and its democratic roots in the thorny Hungarian case. The current economic and financial crisis has provoked a dangerous revival of nationalisms and demagogic populism in many European countries. Hungary's ruling party, Fidesz, has largely won the 2010 Parliamentary elections with a rhetoric populist programme based on the strengthening of the Hungarian national sentiment, along with quite racist proposal which have raised suspects and concerns among the international community. Orban has then shown to be a tough leader unafraid of bringing forward controversial legal proposals and limiting political plurality and debate. The European family cannot accept a spread of Orban's voice across the continent, with particular regards to central Europe. The whole democratic framework of the EU is at risk: the feeling is that without a strong and coherent action from Brussels, other European leaders might follow the path marked by Hungary. It might be the beginning of the dissolution of the Union and, potentially, the end of a six-decade long period of peace among the Union's members. To some extent, Viktor Orban is a much more dangerous virus than the financial crisis affecting the Eurozone: populism, authoritarianism and nationalism are diseases that might cause the death of an already sick patient like the EU. The cure has thus to be strong and effective and must be applied as soon as possible.
Employment & Social
Mario Monti's New Challenge
Mario Monti is performing very well in his role of pro-tempore Italian Prime Minister, but he now has to get over the hump of the labour market reform
Nick Clegg Calls for More Employee Ownership in UK Businesses
The UK’s deputy leader says that giving workers a stake in their companies can unlock growth
Employment ≠ Security
Self-employment in a globalised world can be both a survival strategy and a successful way to self-fulfillment
Which source of energy should be prioritised by EU governments?
Culture
Patriotic Punishment: Obligatory Nationalism or a Healt
UK riots lead politicians to suggest a return of mandatory conscription for rioters, but is forced patriotism the answer to Britain’s problems?
Comments
"It might be the beginning of the dissolution of the Union.."
"... might cause the death of an already sick patient like the EU."
OMG! The end of Europe!
Merkel, Sarkozy & EU hudled in fear - all because of this guy Orban(?)
You got to be kidding.
"The day after, tens of thousands of people have been protesting.." reports your article.
WELL, which is it?
.
Yes, on Jan. 2 about 30,000 people demontrated -against the government- as in the article.
And, on Jan. 21 a "Peace March" - for the government- had 100-200,000 (or more) people!
Hope your falsehood about serious maters return to bite your hand!